President Xi Jinpings thought on Chinas reunification, being the integration and innovation of Xi Jinping Thought on Governance and Chinas national unification strategy, not only inherits and develops the theories and strategies concerning national unification put forward by Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping, but also comprehensively answers a series of essential historical and realistic propositions, such as why China should reunify, what is reunification, and how to achieve Chinas reunification. Its core concept lies in the vision that the reunification of China is incorporated in the process of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, which calls for rejuvenation with the reunification, reunification for the rejuvenation, and reunification in the rejuvenation.

In November 2016, Donald Trump was elected as the 45th president of the United States, which was widely recognized as a populist victory in the United States. The research based on the data of the World Values Survey provides a new perspective to verify or discover the roots of the current wave of populism in the United States, which contributes to revealing the intrinsic relationship between the change of peoples values and the rise of populism. By examining aspects in American peoples values such as political trust, perceptions to economic disparity, and positions of political stance, which are closely related to populism, the paper finds that peoples political trust has undergone a marked change. Americans remain highly confident in democratic systems, while their trust in political parties has weakened significantly, and the rise of Internet media has led to a decline in the American publics trust for traditional media. Despite the continuous improvement of the macroeconomic situation in the United States, the American people are still highly dissatisfied with their own economic conditions. Vertical and horizontal comparisons of polarization degree of the American peoples political stance reveal that the level of social and political polarization in the United States is not enough to lead to the rise of populism.

Strengthened interaction between the Indian Ocean and the Pacific gives rise to the emergence of the Indopacific region, with its core lies in the rapid development of China and India. The formation of the Indopacific region provides a realistic basis for the construction of the Indopacific system. The construction of the Indopacific system is faced with two strategic choices: to be a governance system responding to public issues in the Indopacific region or an alliance system aiming to contain Chinas increasing regional influence. So for, Indopacific system remains plastic since the strategic considerations of Australia and India diverge from that of the US and Japan. However, the Indopacific regions strategic framework is very much likely to develop into the alliance system as a result of changes in SinoUS strategic relations and Australias policies on China.

For India, despite highly diversified partner countries and a large number of free trade agreements, the effectiveness of which is generally low in terms of the tariff reduction rate of trade in goods, sectors and areas of trade in services, and the scope of the “Singapore issues”. The aforementioned reality contrasts sharply with India's national identity that calls for ambitions in freetrade strategy. The “great power complex”, economic development level and industrial structure, special interest groups, and the “disadvantageous position” and “negative image” in the formulation of global trade rules are the main reasons for such a paradox. Furthermore, the case of India has provided policy implications for other countries to formulate veritable national identities in freetrade strategy.

Participation in global ocean governance makes an important component of Chinas overall foreign policy in the new era and a major theoretical exploration and strategic practice to promote the construction of a community with a shared future for mankind. At present, global ocean governance is in the formation period characterized by gradual changes, and in the competition period characterized by the game among powers. China needs to carry on fine traditional characteristics, correspond to realistic needs, and meet the development goals in order to provide Chinese wisdom and a Chinese approach. The theory of global governance is confronted with severe challenges of realistic politics. Based on current international ocean governance mechanism and practical experience in history, China should neither be a whimsical idealist nor follow the Western powers gangster logic characterized by the law of the jungle. Instead, on the basis of the construction of a powerful maritime nation, China, pursuing the harmonious relationship between people and sea, should incorporate the new Chinese maritime approach into the global ocean governance, which is characterized by peace and justice, and oriented by winwin cooperation. Participation in global ocean governance should be realized step by step, following the guidance of doing as you would be done by. We should promote the construction of the Blue Partnership in the international ocean order, and actively build a global ocean community with a shared future. In the field of the maritime environment, a green ecological civilization should be formed, in the development of the maritime economy, the blue economy should be expanded, and in the maritime security, a comprehensive safety network should be built, all of which contribute to pursuing a community with a shared future for mankind.

In the 21st century, human beings encounter two major changes in the maritime field: comprehensively developing and utilizing maritime energy resources provide an opportunity to accelerate the global energy transition and cope with the climate change, and comprehensively developing maritime economy is beneficial to further promote maritime ecosystem protection and global ocean governance. Maritime energy is not only an important material foundation to develop a maritime economy, but also a crucial bond between global energy transition and global ocean governance. The vast oceans contain a huge amount of energy resources. With a deepened understanding of the ocean and further development of relevant technology, more maritime renewable energy resources, such as ocean energy, have been explored and utilized, which move forward to largescale and commercialized. At present, the international community has generally established the institutional mechanism for cooperation on the exploration for and utilization of maritime energy resources, which need to be upgraded. In the strategic framework of developing into a major maritime power and promoting global ocean governance, China should adhere to the innovationdriven strategy and strive to advance maritime energy technology. At the same time, China should take full advantage of the following three pillars to ensure energy security, protect the maritime ecosystem, fight climate change, and promote global ocean governance: strengthening multilateral mechanisms for international cooperation; building the maritime energy silk road; and enhancing blue energy partnerships.

 Blessed with remarkable geopolitical conditions and developed commerce, the Malacca Sultanate, connecting both Western and Eastern civilizations, was one of the most significant ancient countries in Southeast Asia, which contributed significantly to the interaction and fusion among different civilizations. Among its neighboring countries, the Malacca Sultanate shared intimate political, economic and foreign relations with the Ming Dynasty. Overseas Chinese contributed much to the initial exploration and development of the Malacca. However, from the 16th century on, the Malacca Sultanate has been gradually annihilated by the Portugal colonist. Contradiction and conflicts, between the expansion system of sea commerce built by European countries and the tribute system of trade established by the Chinese Empire, inevitably emerged, and the two systems had made different influences in the oriental countries. In the perspective of diplomatic history, the annihilation of the Malacca Sultanate marked the beginning of modern Oriental diplomatic history.

In February 2018, the Pyeongchang Winter Olympic Games were taken as an opportunity for the DPRK and the ROK to approach each other. On April 27th, a historic summit was held in Panmunjom and leaders of the two sides released the Panmunjom Declaration, which initiated the contact between the US and the DPRK. On June 12th, a summit between the US and the DPRK was held in Singapore, and tensions on the peninsula have been eased since then. In the context of geopolitical competition among major powers, the core of the situation on the Korean Peninsula lies in the nuclear issue. Whether Trumps policy towards the DPRK is sustainable or expedient remains unknown. Based on his political tendency exhibited since the presidential election in 2016, the paper proposes that Trumps policy towards the DPRK would be different with the established foreign policy of the US since he is prone to make some breakthroughs in the nuclear issue. Nevertheless, he is unlikely to compromise in lifting the sanctions and military pressure on the DPRK. This paper traces the evolution of Trumps DPRK policy, analyzes its major reasons, and made predictions on possible choices of President Trump. In conclusion, any change of Trumps policy towards the DPRK will make both negative and positive impacts on the situation on the Korean Peninsula, to which the countries concerned should pay close attention and take timely action.

What kind of operation mechanism can enhance the ability of Chinese think tanks in international agenda setting? Taking the issue of the South China Sea as a case, the paper does a comparative study on how the think tanks of China, the US, Philippines, and Vietnam have set the agenda on the issue in the past six years. The study finds that China's think tanks have made the voice of China heard, but their coordination with the government lagged behind those of the other three countries, with only a small number of “revolving door” experts which are lowerranking; China has held quite a number of international conferences, but more efforts should be made in conference planning and interaction with international media; while Chinese think tanks have achieved fruitful research results, the number of experts with international influences remains insufficient. The paper argues that Chinas think tanks need to innovate the mechanism of international agenda setting and foster a group of wellknown experts in professional fields. They should not only set the Chinese agenda but also provide the international community with public products. Meanwhile, China should improve its international influences through multiple measures such as holding conferences and activities, publishing research reports, books and papers, as well as releasing diversified information in mass media.