The Construction of Global Resource and Environment Security Culture from the Perspective of a Community of Shared Future for MankindHUAN Qingzhi1(1. Peking University, Beijing 100871, China)Abstract:   The discussion on “promoting the building of a community of shared future for mankind” in the report to the 19th CPC National Congress clearly presents itself as an upgraded version or version 2.0 of an international relationship concept and strategy. This is not only reflected in the fact that it has been explicitly incorporated into the grand system of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, but also embodied in three content levels or dimensions (core concept, discourse system and institutional framework, and strategic measures). Therefore, it needs particular attention from now on that how this concept and strategy should be implemented in practice, although it by no means indicates the theoretical discussion of itself is no longer important. The development of a community of shared future for mankind, as a systematic implementation of the concept and strategy in international relations, the premise of which, at least, calls for the integrity and mutual agreement of the above three content levels or dimensions. In specific to the construction of a community of shared future for mankind in the field of natural ecology, a fundamental aspect of the Belt and Road Initiative actively implemented by China is to strive to disseminate, demonstrate and create a global resource and environmental security (community) culture.

The content of US-Thailand maritime security cooperation covers verified fields, and it is of both realistic significance and relatively high academic value to probe into the topic. The US-Thailand maritime security cooperation experiences complicated development and fluctuation, which has been influenced by changes in factors such as the two countries’ political situations, interests need, and the global landscape. In the initial period, the US-Thailand maritime cooperation mainly focused on trade, then the two countries became alliances when the cold war broke out, and the bilateral maritime cooperation switched its theme to security. Up to the beginning of the 21st century, the US-Thailand maritime security cooperation has undergone ups and downs. During the 8yeartenure of the Obama Administration from January 2009, the US-Thailand maritime security cooperation had relatively rich content, and several joint military exercises related to the ocean formulated the main channel to deepen the cooperation. However, during that period, the US-Thailand maritime security cooperation was affected by the coup in Thailand, Thailands independent foreign policy and other factors. Since Donald Trump took power in January 2017, the US-Thailand alliance and the maritime security cooperation has been revitalized gradually. In the future, the two countries will have an imperative need in the security field, and the US-Thailand maritime security cooperation will generally go forward, but there will still be obstacles. The US-Thailand maritime security cooperation poses no direct and urgent threat to Chinas security, while it still makes some pressure on the Belt and Road Initiative.

The US policy towards ASEAN is an important variable affecting the process of regional integration and cooperation in East Asia. The study of its trend is an important research agenda for keeping dynamics of regional integration and maintaining stability and cooperation in our neighborhood. During the Obama Administration, driven by the “AsiaPacific rebalance strategy”, the US strengthened its relations with ASEAN, attempting to take ASEAN multilateral institutions as a platform to lead the process of regional integration and cooperation in East Asia, and to balance Chinas regional influence. However, this policy did not achieve its desired effect. As President Trump went into office, the US policy toward ASEAN was faced with a possible change; the new Administration could play down its interest and involvement in ASEANcentered East Asia regionalism. However, with an extensive review of recent policy discussions and policy agenda in the US, the essay contends that it is unlikely that the US changes the existing AsiaPacific strategic goals, and there is limited room to adjust the means and ways to achieve the goals, which means that it is improbable that the Trump Administration would readjust substantially its engagement with ASEAN.

With the deepening implementation of the IPR (Intellectual Property Rights) strategy and the rapid advancement of building an IPR powerhouse, it has become an important issue for us to participate in the construction of the international IPR order. In such a process, one of the most essential issues for China is to define its identity. Firstly, the paper summarizes the basic situation and main characteristics of China's participation in the construction of the international IPR order. Then, it examines the main factors affecting China's international IPR policy and further analyzes the role and position choice of Chinas participation in the construction of the international IPR order. The paper proposes that China should not take the role as a follower of the United States, a leader of developing countries, and even a freerider. The best choice for China is to serve as an active coordinator

The paper aims to identify the contribution of The Blue Partnership and related marine partnerships to global ocean governance based on a brief analysis of the challenges faced by global ocean governance as well as the history and characteristics of these partnerships. At present, accelerating environmental degradation, increasing human activities and intensifying climate change impacts are severe challenges faced by existing governance regime. Moreover, the efforts on enhancing global ocean governance is restricted by unfavorable international political environment and increasing governing complexity caused by decentralized governance entities and fragmented governance actions. In such a context, partnership, as a new type of governance model, would be a key approach to realize integrated ocean governance by coordinating governmental and nongovernmental entities in multiple levels and as an important method to supplement, consolidate and reinforce governmental and intergovernmental governing responsibility. The Blue Partnership Initiative proposed by the Chinese government is characterized by open and inclusive, concrete and pragmatic, and mutual beneficial, which is highly consistent with the spirit of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. The establishment of The Blue Partnership is an important measure to implement the general framework of building allround partnership in field of international ocean governance and a key facilitator to implement United Nations Sustainable Development Goals and promote collective actions on strengthening global ocean governance.

Global ocean governance is facing multiple dilemmas at the same time of sustainable development. In the perspective of global public goods, the dilemma of global ocean governance mainly represents in three aspects: insufficient supply, unbalanced distribution, and unreasonable utilization. These problems are mainly caused by the failure to form an efficient and coordinated operational mechanism among subjects, objects, objectives, and regulations of global ocean governance. The fundamental solution to deal with the dilemma of global ocean governance is to promote the extensive cooperation of the international community and fulfill shared responsibilities for supplying, supervising and managing the global ocean public goods. As a major maritime power with international influence, China should play the roles as the supplier, the coordinator, as well as the reformer, and contribute Chinese strength to eliminate the dilemma of global ocean governance.

The report to the 19th CPC National Congress has put forward that the central government will grant more powers to pilot free trade zones to conduct reform, and explore the opening of free trade ports. The plan released by the State Council to build Hainan into a pilot free trade zone also declares that the overall goal is to lay a solid foundation for gradually exploring and steadily promoting the establishment of a free trade port in Hainan, and putting forward policies and institutions in a step by step and phased manner. This is another major decision made by the CPC Central Committee and State Council when the reform and openingup has entered into a new stage, which indicates that China will further expand openingup to embrace the economic globalization and trade liberalization. Although both the free trade pilot zones and the free trade ports focus on the innovation of systems with the aim to foster a modern and open business environment, their orientations are different. The free trade pilot zones lay stress on gaining experience which can be copied in other areas, paving the way for national reforms. While the free trade ports try to attract capital and expertise from outside China, propelling China to integrate into the global world. Therefore, the free trade port is a completely new issue for China. We must have a keen appreciation of the following issues and take some substantial steps, such as the relationship between free trade ports and the Belt and Road Initiative, the classification and orientation of free trade ports, the construction of legal system in the free trade ports and the spreading impact of free trade ports.

With the establishment of ChinaASEAN strategic partnership, the process of ChinaASEAN regional economic integration has been accelerated, the economic and trade cooperation between China and ASEAN has been expanded and deepened, and ChinaASEAN economic relations have entered a new era. In the construction of the Belt and Road, ASEAN plays an important role. ASEAN is a key area of infrastructure connectivity along the Belt and Road, a cooperation zone of international production capacity and equipment manufacturing under the Belt and Road Initiative, and a gathering place for Chinese enterprises that are “going global”. At present, China and ASEAN should deepen the synergy among the Belt and Road Initiative, with ASEAN Community Blueprint, the overall plan for ASEAN connectivity, and each member country's “Industry 4.0” to realize complementary advantages and winwin cooperation.

The South Pacific is a natural extension and one of the main directions of the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Many small island developing countries concentrated in the South Pacific, and the South Pacific island countries present stereotype specificities of small island developing countries. In recent years, the United States has stressed reengagement with affairs in the AsiaPacific, Australia has intended to consolidate its leadership in the area, and Taiwan has tried to enlarge its influence as the “diplomatic alliance” in this area, all of which give rise to the intensified game among concerned parties. Considering specificities of small island countries in the South Pacific and complexity of game among powers, the implement of the Belt and Road Initiative in the area should put more emphasis on multilateral diplomacy and summit diplomacy; adjust the aid method and stress the assessment of effect to realize precise aid; enhance peopletopeople exchanges and public diplomacy; promote environmental cooperation and maritime cooperation. By virtue of strategic synergy and cooperation with countries along the Belt and Road, China should establish the allround, multitiered and wideranging blue partnership with the aim to push ahead with the joint construction of the blue economic passage linking China, Oceania, and the South Pacific.