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2019 Vol. 27, No. 3  Published: 28 March 2019
 
China-Philippines Joint Development in the South China Sea: Obstacles and Remedies
QI Huaigao
2019, 27(3): 1-9  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (1121 KB)  ( 946 )
Abstract
China-Philippine Joint Development negotiation has kept a sound momentum, but at the same time there are also five obstacles which need to be overcome. The first obstacle is Philippine law provisions known as the 60/40 rule and exclusive Philippine jurisdiction. The second obstacle is Philippine domestic political disputes on joint development in disputed maritime area. China and the Philippines can start from joint exploration research, which can help the Philippines to accumulate political consensus. The third obstacle is Philippine lower continuity of joint development policy in the South China Sea (SCS). To keep the continuity of joint development policy in the SCS, both china and the Philippines can respectively set up a high commissioner for maritime joint development. The fourth obstacle lies in Philippine suspicion of Chinese intention to promote joint development in the SCS. To cope with the situation, China can expand its public diplomacy among Philippine people to improve local people’s livelihood. The fifth obstacle comes from the U.S. The U.S. will not sit by and watch the success of China-Philippines joint development negotiation in the SCS; hence it will spare no effort to get itself involved in the issue. Confronted with the intervention of the U.S., China can adopt an open-ended mind in joint development.
“America First” and the Impact on the US-ROK Alliance
YANG Yue, ZHANG Zijie
2019, 27(3): 10-21  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (1208 KB)  ( 749 )
Abstract
“America First”, initiated by the Trump administration, caters to the world view and interests of the victims in the process of globalization,  especially the US white blue-collar workers. “America First” aims to make America great again as a nation-state. Domestically, the Trump administration aims to bring back manufacturing, strengthen the border control, and restore other main functions of the nation-state impaired by globalization. Internationally, it overhauls the international economic institutions in favor of the US interests and readjusts its alliance system for the purpose of countering “revisionist super powers”, “rogue states” and “transnational threat groups”. Accordingly, the Trump administration has also started to readjust the US-ROK alliance in an utilitarian manner. As for institutions readjustment, the Trump administration urges the ROK to revise “KORUS FTA ” and increase defense spending. To counter the challenges brought by the international actors, the ROK is also urged to join “Free and Open Indo-Pacific strategy” to constrain the rise of China and be in line with the US “Maximum Pressure” policy toward the DPRK to pressure the latter to denuclearize. In general, the Trump administration has achieved most of its objectives on the US-ROK alliance readjustment, thereby using it as a bargaining chip to pressure future negotiating counterparts to make more concessions. Meanwhile, it increases the asymmetric relations between the two countries, undermines the moral basis of the US-ROK alliance and exposes the divergent visions of the two countries on the future bilateral relations.
The Model and Effect of Japan’s “Tourism Diplomacy” to China and the Enlightenment to China
CAI Liang, YU Dongyang
2019, 27(3): 22-36  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (6248 KB)  ( 909 )
Abstract
The number of Chinese tourists to Japan soars significantly since the Japanese government launched its new visa policy in 2010. Benefited from it, Chinese visitors skyrocketed to the largest foreign visitors group of Japan since 2015. Except of stimulating Japan’s sluggish economic development, the explosive growth of Chinese visitors in Japan also play a big part in ameliorating Chinese people’s image of Japan. Basing on the public diplomacy theory, we defines the conception and features of Japan’s “tourism diplomacy”, especially those policies toward Chinese. Furthermore, we summarize three types of public diplomacy models, studying their implementation and how these factors contributing to the increasing number of Chinese tourists to Japan in recent years. What is more, this paper identifies the relationship between “the number of Chinese tourists visiting Japan” and “Chinese people’s favorable impression of Japan”, analyzing its contribution to Japan’s domestic economic development and how the interaction of the two factors benefiting Japanese government’s practice of “Local Economic Revitalization” strategy. In the end, basing on the analysis of Japan’s “tourism diplomacy” practice, corresponding suggestions is put forward for China’s public diplomatic strategy from three aspects: pre-preparation, implementation and potential effect, in the view of Chinese new great power diplomacy for better China’s national image.
On the Dual Changes of the World Energy System and the Energy Transition of China Hot!
WU Lei, CAO Fengyu
2019, 27(3): 37-49  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (5508 KB)  ( 1044 )
Abstract
Since the 21st century, the world energy system has witnessed two important changes. Unconventional oil and gas revolution, represented by the exploitation of shale oil and gas, alleviates the supply-demand relationship in the energy market, and increases the diversity of oil and gas supply. In the meanwhile, driven by policy guidance and technological progress, the renewable energy industry has also developed steadily, and begins to replace traditional fossil energy. From the perspective of energy substitution, there are competitiveness and contradictions between the two changes. However, from a broader perspective such as the political economy of energy, with more realistic factors into consideration, the two changes are complementary and unified. The dual change of the international energy system has profound impacts on the energy strategies of various countries. Among them, the US decides to restore support for traditional energy, while Germany still insists on promoting the development of renewable energy industries. In the background that the high-carbon energy structure will continue and the energy peak has not yet arrived, the guiding principle of China’s energy transition should focus on the protection of energy security, taking into account environmental protection. At the implementation level, China should pay attention that the energy transition strategy should be comprehensive and forward-looking, and the continuity of policy formulation and execution should be highlighted. Furthermore, China should promote the upgrade of energy diplomacy, strengthen the energy institutional power, and export energy exploitation capability, with the aim to become an important leader in the international energy transition.
Memory and Identity: The Genglubu as an Intangible Cultural Heritage Hot!
WANG Libing
2019, 27(3): 50-60  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (5239 KB)  ( 824 )
Abstract
Genglubu is the product of the long-term marine practice of Hainan fishermen in history, it belongs to the collective memory of fishermen and has the characteristics of cultural integrity. After a series of transformation of heritage technology, Genglubu has gradually become a social memory of the nation’s historic maritime rights and a symbol of recognition of politics. At the same time, the sea feelings and historical memory and collective identity carried by Genglubu are in danger of disappearing. As an intangible cultural heritage, the core of the protection and inheritance of Genglubu should be the historical memory and heritage identification of the heritage holders. In the future, the protection and inheritance of Genglubu should give full play to the subjectivity of fishermen, rebuild a memory community with multiple expressions for fishermen, endow them with more vivid collective memory and make them consciously inherit Genglubu in real cultural space and marine practice.
The UK’s Intervention in China’s Safeguarding Its Legal Rights in the South China Sea: Prospect and Prevention Hot!
HU Jie
2019, 27(3): 61-74  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (1241 KB)  ( 556 )
Abstract
The UK’s motives for intervening China’s safeguarding its legal rights in the South China Sea specify three demands, including political demands for the UK’s strategic games with China, security demands for enhancing the UK’s influences in the Asia-Pacific region, and psychological demands for demonstrating the UK’s global power status. The UK has been conducting diplomatic exploration of China’s position through the China-UK strategic dialogue, using Shangri-La dialogue to understand the policy trends of all parties as well as developing trends of the South China Sea issue, and also may seek existing military presence in the South China Sea while avoiding stimulating china by cooperating with its allies and partners. With the help of FPDA and G7 mechanisms, the UK can establish its military presence in the Asia-Pacific region legally, while involving in the south china sea issue. On the basis of observing and analyzing the UK’s various movements on the south china sea issue calmly, China must resist any possibility that the UK emerges as the new great power beyond the south china sea region resolutely.
The Strategic Synergy between Foreign Economic Zones and Foreign Aid of China Hot!
WANG Zhifang
2019, 27(3): 75-85  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (1190 KB)  ( 984 )
Abstract
Along with the transformation of international order and the improvement of China’s international influence, China is charged with more and more international responsibility. Foreign Economic Zones (FEZs) and Foreign Aid are becoming important measures under “going global strategy”. But for lack of strategic thinking, FEZs and Foreign Aid exist some key problems which are not able to effectively protect China’s overseas interests. These problems are mainly related to wasting overseas investment resources, insufficient effectiveness, and negative public opinion. At the same time, the international situation is becoming increasingly complicated, and is driving deep macro⁃coordination requirement between international obligation and national development for Chinese government. However, non⁃consideration of strategic synergy between FEZs and foreign aid, not only impede the further development of FEZs and foreign aid, but weaken their functions in foreign relationships. Based on present try situation, and considering their strategic overflow effects, suggestion provided is that FEZs and foreign aid could further expand national interests through enhancing strategic coordinations of resource utilization, action development and mechanism formulation.
Analysis on the Construction of China-Laos Economic Corridor
FANG Wen
2019, 27(3): 86-98  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (1150 KB)  ( 1278 )
Abstract
In November 2017, general secretary of the CPC central committee and president Xi Jinping paid a state visit to Laos and held an interview with general secretary of the LPRP central committee and president Bounnhang Vorachith. The supreme leaders of both parties and countries made an agreement to build China-Laos Economic Corridor together that takes China-Laos railway as the main aixis and passes through several important node areas and reaches the southern part of Laos from Kunming China. The construction of China-Laos Economic Corridor has good basic conditions and not only accelerates the docking of China’s belt and road initiative and Laos’ strategy of transformation from a land-locked to a land-linked country but also is the key link of the construction of China-indochina Economic Corridor. So it has a leading and demonstration role. In a new era, the construction of China-Laos economic corridor must be a new bright spot for the cooperation in all respects between countries,  which can reinforce the realistic foundation of building a community with a shared future for China-Laos. But how to intensively understand and promote the construction of China-Laos Economic Corridor needs to be further studied.
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