This paper analyzes the development process and the pros and cons. of globalization in the U.S. from three aspects: free trade, capital flow and immigrations. While the United States has been a major booster and beneficiary of globalization, the side effects of globalization have posed more challenges to the U.S., resulting in opposition of the middle⁃and⁃lower⁃class white people and Trump’s win in the 2016 U.S. presidential election. Nationalism, protectionism and nativism inspired by anti⁃globalization could jeopardize the established U.S. institutions and the international order. The case of the U.S. illustrates that globalization is shaping the world in a paradoxical way: it is the development trend, while its side effects could cause a rebound of anti⁃globalization and resistance from its former major boosters. Therefore, the side effects of globalization and the phenomenon of anti⁃globalization should attract enough attention.

Public diplomacy on maritime affairs is increasingly functioning as a strategic tool of the U.S. to intervene in the South China Sea issue, to mobilize international allies and to impose restriction on China’s maritime actions. Fundamentally, the relative weakening of comprehensive national strength makes the U.S. focus on the public diplomacy as a low⁃cost tool. Generally speaking, growing capacity of the U.S. to conduct global communication and accumulation of academic resources concerning the development of sea lay a solid foundation for the rapid development of its public diplomacy on maritime affairs, whose basic aim is to manipulate international opinion. To realize it, the U.S. public sectors play a more active and direct role in this type of public diplomacy, beyond its conventional public diplomacy theories. Meanwhile, the U.S. puts high emphasis on collaboration with allies, and on the combined utilization of its hard power with public diplomacy tools. The public diplomacy on maritime affairs, with growing global impacts in recent years, not only strengthens the policy capacity of the U.S. to engage in the South China Sea issue tangibly or intangibly, but also puts great external pressures on China, worsening the regional situation. Confronted with aforementioned challenges, China is supposed to develop a framework of maritime public diplomacy with Chinese characteristics, by upgrading its theoretical systems, optimizing its mechanisms and integrating resources concerned, to cope with the offensive U.S. maritime public diplomacy, and safeguard marine rights and interests of China in a better way.

The Arctic waters are characterized by special geographical location and fragile ecological environment, contributing to the change of global climate. The study on the development trend of Marine Protected Areas (MPAs) on the high seas in Arctic waters has significant importance of strategic value. The practice of MPAs on the high seas indicates that the number of MPAs on the high seas will continue to grow, even at a low rate, global treaty which imposes restrictions on MPAs on the high seas will be brought into force, and relations of supervision and cooperation between coastal states and user states on the high seas will become more prominent. The states and international organizations make explorations in the MPAs on the high seas in Arctic waters, which corresponds to the development trend of MPAs on the high seas. China should actively participate in relevant international activities, in order to enhance China's discourse power concerning international order.

Since the U.S. strategic move of “Pivot to Asia Pacific”, scholars of the U.S. think tanks have conducted plenty of researches on South China Sea issue, aiming to influence the government’s policy in different ways. Based on analysis of issues such as present situation of Sino⁃U.S. game in the South China Sea and China’s South China Sea strategy, scholars think that China has taken strategies such as “Delaying”, “Tailored Coercion”, and “Cabbage Peeling” to strengthen its control over the South China Sea.They also proposes a variety of countermeasures, such as “cost escalation”, “law warfare”, and “humiliation warfare”. These proposals are broadly subject to three categories: “increasing repression”, “support along with containment”, and “joint effort to ease the conflict”. The Obama administration generally adopted the strategy of “support along with containment”, while it is still unclear that which kind of policy Trump government will take China needs to pay attention to studies of the U.S. think tanks on South China Sea and their impacts on the U.S. Administration, and meanwhile plan corresponding countermeasures to cope with the possible tension in the South China Sea.

The sea power structure in East Asia evolves as regional history marched on. The existing structure has experienced reconstructions for three times. The first one happened in the period from the early 16th century to the 20th century, during which it transformed from the hierarchy dominated by China to the balanced structure shared by western powers. The second from 1930s to 1940s, which presents the bipolar balance dominated by the U.S. and the Soviet Union derived from multi⁃polar balance. The third one from the late 1980s to the early 1990s, when the structure began to develop form the bipolar balance to the unipolar hegemony dominated by the U.S. The current sea power structure in East Asia is still subject to the unipolar hegemony, while containing the balance of powers. It is a new trend of the evolution of sea power structure in East Asia that such a factor of power balance is reinforced with the rise of China’s sea power.

Since July 12th, 2016, when the Hague tribunal announced the substantive issues on “the South China Sea arbitration”, reports on the case attracted worldwide attention. In fact, since 2013, when the Philippines Aquino government unilaterally filed for the arbitration to the Hague tribunal, “the South China Sea dispute” has been the focus of international attention. The paper tries to study the Chinese and the Philippines leading English newspapers􀆳 coverage of the arbitration from the perspective of media diplomacy with frame analysis. Major finding is that the media frame of “bilateral negotiations” vs. “multilateral diplomacy” and that of “illegal” vs. “legally⁃binding” can be included into the framework of “the rising powers” vs. “ the incumbent powers ”, which reflects completely different attitudes of “ dialogue ” and “confrontation” of China and the Philippines towards the “South China Sea dispute”.

Sea area of operations is not only a fundamental issue of naval strategy, but also a significant component of the national foreign strategy. After 1949, China's naval strategy has experienced three stages: coastal defense, offshore defense, and the combination of offshore defense and open seas protection. Literally, the most salient feature in the evolution of China's naval strategy is the expansion of sea area of operations. Based on the history of the evolution of China's naval strategy over the past 60 years, this paper tries to divide China's sea area of operations into four parts: offshore waters, middle seas, open seas and the ocean, and then analyzes their different strategic value. According to which, the paper argues that the driving forces for China to extend sea area of operations mainly demonstrate in three levels: military level, economic and the political level. However, in the process to expand sea area of operations, China is confronted with containment from three aspects, the strategic geography of the sea, the land security situation, and the geo⁃strategy of America and its alliance system in Asia. Currently, in the expansion of sea area of operations, China should keep regional defense as the essential strategy, and then prudently and gradually extend it to open seas and the ocean.

Human existence and development is bound with marine ecological environment. However, with the rise of the marine industry and irrational exploitation of marine resources, marine ecological environment faces sever challenges. China is a late starter in marine ecological governance, facing problems such as governance without significant efficiency, prominent defects of the current governance model, and low degree of modernization. In the context that the more attention is attached to the policy of achieving “the modernization of state governance system and capacity”, China is supposed to draw lessons from the world's major maritime countries and regions, such as America, Japan, EU(European Union), ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and so on. Considering China's present status of development, there are some aspects we should focus on to promote the modernization of marine ecological governance system and capacity of China. Such as innovating comprehensive marine management system, perfecting legislation, regulations as well as policy system, establishing a comprehensive planning system, strengthening scientific research and technological innovation, calling on stakeholder's active participation in practice of marine ecological governance, and strengthening regional cooperation.

 The prominence of the marine industry safety and related researches being lagged behind the realistic demand have imposed restrictions on the further development of the marine industry in China. Based on the analysis of related literatures on industrial safety, this paper reviews and analyzes the evolution and progress of study on marine industry security, and points out the future trend of related research. As a new research perspective in the field of industrial security, the research on the marine industry security has attracted extensive attention of scholars in geography, economics and other disciplines, demonstrating treats of inter⁃discipline and cross⁃discipline. Major progresses have been made in aspects of conceptual frameworks, influencing factors and evaluation system, but there is still a lack of a scientific and normative system of theory and method. The paper argues that Chinese marine industry security research should focus on ways to expand and deepen the evaluation system and warning mechanism, strengthen the diversification of marine industrial safety research, and explore issues concerning marine industry security from a holistic perspective. Meanwhile, lessons should be drawn from industrial economics and other disciplines, in order to explore and develop a marine industry security theory system with Chinese characteristics in the future.