Moon Jae-in, president of South Korea, puts forward “New Northern Policy” and “9-Bridges” strategy in 2017, which aimed to strengthen cooperation with Russia in the Far East and Arctic and to build up a new strategic corridor connecting Korean Peninsula, Russia and the European Union (EU). Both countries have already put into effect to cooperate in Far East and Arctic. The Arctic passage and the “Lena River Corridor” are designed as the principal axis of this policy. Russia responds positively to South Korea’s initiative, and practical cooperation between both countries is growing quickly. South Korea establishes all-dimensional diplomatic relations with the Republic of Sakha (Yakut) mainly relying on people-to-people exchanges. “New Northern Policy” and “9-Bridges”strategy are closely related to the interests of China. South Korea’s Arctic diplomacy with Russia, especially achievements in the Lena River Corridor, are worthy of being studied, which could serve as an example for China.

At present, there are diversified forms of security cooperation mechanisms coexisted in Southeast Asia. On the one hand, all kinds of security mechanisms are developing towards a form characterized by diversification, sectorization and specialization. On the other hand, boundaries among security mechanisms become more indistinct and it shows a tendency to overlap and competition, which form the phenomenon of “fragmentation of security cooperation mechanism”. Fragmentation of security cooperation mechanism in Southeast Asia is mainly displayed by the mechanisms diversification, mechanisms complication and mechanisms disordercompetition. Imbalance of power, diversification of interests and reduction of identification are the main reasons for fragmentation of security cooperation mechanisms in Southeast Asia. At the same time, fragmentation diminished the institutionalization level of regional security cooperation, exacerbated the complexity of security cooperation mechanisms and weakened the dominance of ASEAN in regional security governance, which poses a severe challenge to security governance in Southeast Asia. Therefore, China should make efforts to improve the institutionalization level of security governance in Southeast Asia by becoming the “agendasetting nation” and propelling the CICA process to promote the coordination among existing security cooperation mechanisms. Also China is supposed to support the comprehensive security cooperation mechanism, especially join and support the interregionalism with ASEAN as the core and actively practice the Asian security concept featuring common, comprehensive, cooperative, and sustainable security so as to ensure the dominance of ASEAN in Southeast Asia.

 Affected by the US-Soviet bipolar system, US-India maritime cooperation is not well developed during the Cold War. Since the 21st century, US-India maritime cooperation has gradually entered a deep-water zone, and realized a series of achievements. Democratic identity, maintenance of the Indian Ocean sea route security, and balancing China, are factors to boost the US-India maritime cooperation. At present, the US-India strategic elites have reached a basic consensus on promoting maritime cooperation, and Japan, Australia as well as other US allies are actively “matchmaking”. Therefore, the US-India cooperation will develop further, which will affect the regional security. On the one hand, it will intensify the naval arms race in the Indo-Pacific region, making marine hot issues continue to ferment; on the other hand, it will increase Chinas insecurity, causing Sino-US relations to be more complex, and it will impose negative impacts on Sino-India relations.

In recent years, the bilateral relations between India and Japan have been warming up rapidly towards the “Special Strategic and Global Partnership”. They have strengthened various new cooperation in various fields such as security, dependence, military information sharing, and have enhanced economic and trade relations. This new development of IndiaJapan relations is bound to have a profound and complex impact on regional stability and peace, so deeply analyzing the motivations and developing trends of the relationship between India and Japan can help us predict the regional development situation and handle the relevant diplomatic relations carefully and effectively. Strengthening cooperation between India and Japan is highly correlated with geopolitical and geoeconomic factors, both for economic development needs and for strategic mutual leverage. However, due to various restrictive factors such as differences in strategic objectives, there are still many challenges in the future of IndiaJapan cooperation.

After the global financial crisis, the inadequate supply of international public goods and the tendency of “privatization” have become obstacles to the growth of the global economy. Since European and American countries already have a lot on their plates and gradually reduce the supply of public goods, China is increasingly playing a constructive role as a responsible major country. In the event of a serious shortage of global public goods supply or the inability to meet their individual needs, we could define public goods as arrangements, systems and mechanisms which serve in special areas or interregional areas of the Belt and Road and its cost is being shared by regional or interregional countries. If building a community of shared future for mankind is the strategic goal of the major country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics for a new era that is lofty and worthy of pursuing, the provision of public goods of the Belt and Road Initiative is an extremely important step in realizing the goal to build a community of shared future for mankind in the new era. China is taking concrete actions to create a community of shared future for mankind, providing the world with more highquality public goods.

 The foundation of the city of Sansha in 2012 has creatively promoted the construction and development in various aspects. However, due to complicated factors such as politics, economy, geography and population, at present many challenges are still confronted in the construction of grassroots political institutions, and the requirements of selfdevelopment and the strategic demands of safeguarding maritime rights are not yet to be met. Therefore, it is necessary to optimize and perfect the establishment of institutions, the reinforcement of functions, the management of organizations, the construction of branches and the absorption of talents so as to consolidate the institutional foundation of Sansha and effectively safeguard the territorial sovereignty and maritime rights and interests.