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2019 Vol. 27, No. 7  Published: 29 July 2019
Theoretical Analysis and Practical Position on the Restrictive Immunity of International Organizations Hot!
HE Zhipeng ;JIANG Chenx
2019, 27(7): 1-14  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (477 KB)  ( 646 )
Having witnessed various disputes, the subject qualification of international organizations is established from scratch. The functional necessity, while serving as a basis for justifying the legal personality, also contributes to entitling international organizations with immunity. In the early stage when international organizations sprung up, which was under the influence of major international conventions, most countries tended to grant a greater degree of immunity to ensure the independence of international organizations. However, as time went by, in the present society with an increasing level of human rights protection in international engagement, the legitimacy of absolute immunity entitled to international organizations under corresponding historical conditions is in gradual reduction. Limiting the immunity of international organizations as another possibility would play an active role in more effectively holding international organizations accountable and in improving the level of human rights protection. Although the restrictive immunity of international organizations has not become international common practice, its rationality should not be ignored. China should consider applying restrictive immunity when handling relations with international organizations.
The Power and Rules in the Governance of Global Commons: In the Case of US's Acquisition of Geostationary Orbit Resources
2019, 27(7): 15-26  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (451 KB)  ( 465 )
Countries often use power to shape the agenda and rules in the governance of global commons. The allocation of geostationary orbit resources is subject to the governance of global commons. As a major country in space research, the US has taken the lead in the International Telecommunication Union’s arrangement of geostationary orbit resources by virtue of its advantages in technology, knowledge, and institution. In the 1970s, when developing countries began to actively demand “equitable access”to geostationary orbit resources, the US spared no effort to maintain its vested interests and opposed the change of the status quo. In the past decades, this kind of disputes between developing countries and developed countries such as the US have been taking place at meetings of the International Telecommunication Union repeatedly. Without a fundamental technological revolution in the future, resource politics would inevitably continue.
Relational Interaction, Identity Adjustment and Diplomatic Decision Making: Analyzing the Normalization of Relations between China and the US from 1972 to 1979
HE Wei
2019, 27(7): 27-40  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (643 KB)  ( 474 )
It takes some ten years for China and the US to realize the normalization of relations, from initiation to rapprochement. Though faced with common external security threats and shared strategic interests, why does it take such a long time for the two countries to finally establish formal diplomatic relations? In fact, merely the common interests shared by China and the US are not enough. To realize the normalization of relations, the two countries have to change the negative recognition towards each other, and such a change could only be made in relational interaction at the diplomatic level. The article explores the China-US relational interactions from the perspective of the relational theory of world politics, proposing that normalization is a dynamic process through which the country adjusts its self-identity towards the collective identity featured with the shared goal for establishing diplomatic relations, while the relational interactions provide the driving force behind. Since the rapprochement between China and the US, the two countries have been on the way of bilateral relational interactions towards normalization, whereby the US self-identity started to evolve towards the shared goal of establishing diplomatic relations. In late Nixon's presidency, the whole Ford's presidency and Carter's early presidency, the bilateral relational interactions went through twists and turns, and the overall US self-identity adjustment gradually diverged from the shared goal. However, in the later period of Carter's presidency, the bilateral relational interactions deepened, and the US self-identity evolved quickly from divergence towards the normalization of relations. A discussion of the relational interactions is conducive to China and the US to have a better appreciation of each other, change their mindset, avoid misjudgment, and provide the positive driving force for bilateral ties in the new era.
The International Governance on Black Carbon Emission from Arctic Shipping: Situation, Challenge, and Institutional Construction
2019, 27(7): 41-54  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (513 KB)  ( 706 )
Black Carbon (BC) is a short-lived climate forcer with dual properties of greenhouse effect substances and atmospheric pollutants, which is extremely harmful to the Arctic environment and ecosystem. BC emission from international maritime shipping is a significant source of climate change and air pollution in the Arctic which has aroused close attention of the international community. However, attempts made by the International Maritime Organization (IMO), the Arctic Council, and other institutions on the legislation and practice concerning BC emission reduction, have led to fragmented, non0binding, and framework-based international legal governance status. The IMO and the Arctic Council should take the lead in formulating a Black Carbon Reduction Agreement for Arctic Maritime Shipping as a basis for coordinating related systems, supplemented by measures such as the expansion of Emission Control Areas (ECAs). By means of the club-like operating mechanism and the establishment of rights and obligations, the implementation of the agreement will be safeguarded, and an international governance system for BC emission in the Arctic will be established, ultimately achieving a win-win between BC emission reduction and sustainable development.
Disposition and Reversion of the Ryukyu Islands after World War II: An Investigation from the Perspective of Britain
CHEN Haiyi
2019, 27(7): 55-65  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (489 KB)  ( 741 )
The study of the Ryukyu Islands from the perspective of Britain provides a cognitive framework besides the trilateral narrative model of China, America, and Japan. As an island country with many overseas colonies, Britain actively participated in the disposition process of the Ryukyu Islands, which was the normalization dominated by the US, after the victory of World War Ⅱ. Not only did British agencies abroad comprehensively analyze the disposition of the Ryukyu Islands, but also proposed to delimit the remaining territorial boundaries after Japan abandoned the Ryukyu Islands and other areas by latitude and longitude in the draft version of the Peace Treaty with Japan. The British version of the Peace Treaty have aroused tremendous anxiety and opposition from Japan, which makes sharp historical contrast with Japan's strong demand for latitude and longitude marking upon the reversion of the Ryukyu Islands, and the reason lies in the Diaoyu Islands issue involving disputes over territorial sovereignty. In the process of returning the Ryukyu Islands, the British Embassy in Japan paid close attention to the incident and reported to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in time, judging that the Diaoyu Islands issue could be the source of future disputes. Such an event sheds light on the UK's recognition of returning the Ryukyu Islands.
Competitive Resistance: American Resistance to the “Polar Silk Road” and Strategic Construction Hot!
2019, 27(7): 66-75  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (461 KB)  ( 496 )
To promote building the “Polar Silk Road”, close attention should be paid to the Arctic strategy of America. The Arctic is a significant region of the US's global strategy, and also the historic extension of China's Belt and Road Initiative, gathering sustainable delivery of strategic resources from both countries. In the context of the escalating structural contradictions between China and the US, the Trump administration's Arctic strategy is committed to enhancing America's competitive advantage in the Arctic, safeguarding America's Arctic interests, restricting non-Arctic countries's participation in Arctic affairs, and ultimately building the so-called strategic encirclement of China from Indian Ocean to the Arctic Ocean. The hindering mentality characterized by competition and containment shapes the inevitable decision of the current US government to cope with the “Polar Silk Road”. However, due to economic and strategic resources constraints, the US chose to prevent China to participate in the Arctic affairs with allies, and the corresponding policy construction has brought instability to the “Polar Silk Road”. The Arctic geopolitical and economic pattern is likely to witness such a prospect that the “Polar Silk Road” based on the northeast route, which is led by China and Russia, would coexist with the “North American Arctic Corridor” based on the northwest route, which is led by America and Canada.
Dynamics of China's International Status (2008-2018): A Comparative Analysis Hot!
MEN Honghua; WANG Xiao
2019, 27(7): 76-92  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (804 KB)  ( 486 )
Since 2008, the world order has accelerated its transition, international competition and cooperation have reshaped the relative status of countries, profound changes have taken place in international interaction, and the structural effects of China's rise have attracted global attention. It is necessary to examine the evolution of China's international status in the changing global landscape. By constructing and applying the framework and index system of contemporary international status analysis, the paper demonstrates that China's international status presents a general trend of comprehensive, sustained and rapid rise from 2008 to 2018. Such a trend is based on the rapid accumulation of national strategic resources and is enhanced by China's growing influences in the global value system, the international investment market, and international institution system. The promotion of China's international status brings new strategic opportunities as well as unprecedented challenges. The paper makes a comparative analysis of the evolution of the international status of China, the US, India, and Japan, and proposes the following three long-term strategies for China: It's supposed to (1) continue deepening reform and openingup comprehensively, address the inadequacies in key technologies, and expand the path of accumulation of national strategic resources; (2) adhere to peaceful development, avoid falling into a zero-sum game trap with major powers, and expand strategic space for international cooperation; (3) push for new multilateralism cooperation, take the initiative in the global and regional development agenda-setting, and enhance international public goods supply capacity.
Aga Khan Development Network: A Hundred Year's Experience and Lessons of Global Health Governance in East Africa Hot!
GAO Liangmin ; CHENG Feng
2019, 27(7): 93-104  |  Full text (HTML) (1 KB)  | PDF   PDF (477 KB)  ( 2620 )
Non-Western and non-native social organizations can play an important role in global health governance in East Africa. This paper analyzes the important role played by the Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN) in global health governance in East Africa. The study shows that AKDN's extensive participation of global health governance in East Africa is not only resulted from a long history of interaction and integration between East Africa and India, but also related to the localization strategy of “de-religionization and secularization”. AKDN integrates actively with local native communities, safeguards the core interests and positions of their staff with the same religion, and cooperates with Western and global organizations. Meanwhile, AKDN is striving persistently for the right to have its say in East Africa. China can learn from AKDN's experience in the following five aspects. We are supposed to work with local communities, promote the participation of Chinese overseas communities, cooperate with global or Western organizations, support the participation of Chinese non-governmental organizations, and efficiently demonstrate achievements with the help of local media. Finally, the case study of AKDN suggests that non-Western and non-native social organizations can play an important role in global health governance and their contribution should be interpreted appropriately. Such experience of localization is also worthy of learning for China.
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